Iraq war veteran Geoff Millard, 26, of Columbia Heights wore fatigues and clutched an American flag as he lay on the ground before he was arrested.
"It's time for the peace movement to take the next step past protest and to resistance," said Millard, president of D.C. chapter of Iraq Veterans Against the War.
~~~~~~~
Army veteran Justin Cliburn, 25, of Lawton, Okla., was among a contingent of Iraq veterans in attendance. "We're occupying a people who do not want us there," Cliburn said of Iraq. "We're here to show that it isn't just a bunch of old hippies from the 60s who are against this war."
~~~~~~~
"It's TIME... It's time to lay our bodies on the line and say we've had enough," (Cindy Sheehan) said. "It's time to shut this city down."
~~~~~~~
“...This is our lunch counter moment for the 21st Century... If we fail to show up, and fulfill our destiny, then not only will the blood of so many innocent Iraqi civilians be on our hands, but our generation will be known throughout history, as the generation of least resistance.”
- Rev. Lennox Yearwood, President, Hip Hop Caucus
~~~~~~~
Like many yesterday, Deborah Johns, the mother of a sergeant who has served three tours in Iraq, raised the Vietnam War for comparison.
"We're not going to let the domestic enemy here at home defeat us like they did then," she said. "No retreat, no surrender. Not now, not ever."
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
LIVE from DC: The Insurrection at The Capitol
(The following includes a first person account of what happened, plus numerous VIDEO clips showing the events.)
It's me again. I just got out of Jail, and I can't wait to tellya all about it.
Your Old Hippie from the 60s, ponytail firmly in place, medicare card in my back pocket -- I'm here to give all of ya a first person, hands on, no kiddin, eyeball to eyeball, start to finish account of what happened yesterday, September 15, 2007, when I joined tens of thousands of people at the Demonstration, Direct Action and Resistance in Washington DC.
There was no way I was gonna show up at another bullshit demo, with the cute t shirts and witty signs, and hours of speeches about every injustice on the planet. No way I was interested in going to another reunion of the class of '67.
If this one didn't include some serious resistance, and mass civil disobedience, I was staying home with my Chambers Brothers LPs.
This one had to be different.
Now of course, there was plenty that was the same. A lot of obsolete A.N.S.W.E.R. stuff, sung to the melody of "Let's March Again, Like We Did Last Summer."
Signs and speeches, pamphlets, tshirts, slogans and dress up, lotsa grey hair, a Rally and even We Shall Overcome.
But ..........
This one was different.
This one was different because they key event, a mass Die In at The U.S. Capitol, was not controlled by the old leftie apparatchiks (like me f'rinstance). The key elements were built instead on the energy of the young people upon whom we must truly rely if change is to come.
Yeah, there was plenty of the sameoldsameold. But this time- the spearhead- physically energetically and spiritually- wasn't old Hippies, but our grandchildren- the new SDS and other verrrry youthful organizations, and most of all, the Iraq Veterans Against The War. (IVAW).
If you want the true test on how crucial and vital was the IVAW, the giveaway is that The Washington Post barely admits they existed, and the New York Times not at all. That proves it. The old media painted this as just another snore, with the same old players.
The IVAW is led by U.S. Marine Sergeant Adam Kokesh, an Iraq vet whose ramrod posture and 400 pound bench press body tell ya just about all ya need to know. A man who backs down from nothing, and stands up for everything he believes in.
"...We have come to a point in history when our government’s intents are so far from the will of the people that we have to rise up!
WHEN INJUSTICE BECOMES LAW, RESISTANCE BECOMES DUTY! ... "
"Today marks a turning point for our movement. Today we make the shift from protesting to direct action. Today we begin to restore the rightful order in our democracy. Today is the day the people stop fearing the government, and the government starts fearing the people!
Today may very well mark the beginning of the American anti-fascism revolution. March with us. Honor the dead with us. If you are willing to risk arrest, lie in the street, if not, lie in the grass. Die-in when you hear the air raid sirens. Raise your voice and your fist with us in defiance to send a message to our leadership. If you will not make peace for us, we will make it for ourselves! Power to the people! "
(Kokesh speech delivered at the Rally September 15.)
The Plan was-- to Rally at Lafayette Park, then form up on 15th and Pennsylvania- and have the IVAW in a single column leading first the Veterans For Peace (VFP) and then the ENTIRE vast sea of marchers down Penn Ave. to The Capitol. At The Capitol, thousands were to join in a Die In at the Peace Monument, perform civil disobedience and resistance, refuse to move, and be arrested en masse.
I was fortunate enough to be invited to join the VFP front line of security. Our job was to form a phalanx of protection for the IVAW and VFP flank as the march proceeded, and then to form a circle of protection for them when the die in happened.
This left me in the best spot - the very front of the march, often literally hand in hand with my friends from VFP, in step with the IVAW, and frequently nose to nose and belly to belly with the misguided and brainwashed but dangerous and ugly Pro War Demonstrators, largely the nefarious and CIA funded Gathering of Eagles. The Police made sure that our march headed straight into the teeth of the pro war gauntlet, where they accosted us from both sides.(see quote from Deb Johns above. This was sadly and frighteningly typical).
(Complicit Tools that they are, the focus of the Pimp Press, with bigtime assistance from The Cops, was to promote the conflicts and divisions between us, 1- bestowing the Counter Protesters with equal Gravitas and much more than equal space though they numbered maybe 1000 to our tens of thousands ---- and 2- publishing photos portraying the anti war groups as the usual old beatnik fringe. The house pet Dinosaur Press unrelentlingly casts us as the domestic Sunni and Shiia, and the more "sectarian violence" the better.)
Maybe the pro warrists could despise us peaceniks, but what could they scream at the IVAW members, some of them actual Active Reserve ?
The presence of these men and women in their combat camouflage, people just like their own husbands and sons and mothers and daughters, confronted the pro war people with the clear and undeniable reality that many people who had BEEN THERE saw the War for what is was, and were publicly proclaiming the murderous actions of themselves, their buddies and comrades, their commanders, The Congress who provided the funds, the U.S. Government, and the Commander In Chief. There it was in their face-- not the railings of "A.N.S.W.E.R. Commies" (their nickname for us) but-- the undeniable truth, spoken by undeniable witnesses.
The Veterans restated their Oath of allegiance to defend the Constitution against ALL enemies ("foreign and domestic, especially domestic")
Sgt. Kokesh marched alongside his column, and as they marched they chanted the cadence- "Who Are WE?" "We are THE TROOPS" "How Do You SUPPORT US ?" "Bring US HOME!" ----
We reached the Capitol Grounds, but instead of gathering around the Peace Monument, The Cops shuttled us to the left, where our ranks, previously 18-25 across, had to narrow down to 5 or 6 across, and walk through grass and dirt, disjointed and exposed. (Check the map by accessing http://www.homeandabroad.com/c/15/Site/71670_Peace_Monument_visit.html and clicking VIEW MAP.)
In what I think was an ambush, we ended up separated from the main contingent, who were massed behind us on the Capitol lawn. Our smaller group was pushed forward into a long rectangular area, surrounded and enclosed by trees, and into a dead end-- where some stone steps led up a narrow opening in a concrete and stone wall fronting the large stone Entry Plaza to The Capitol building.
The Cops were waiting for us behind steel barricades, in full riot gear: Darth Vader helmets and full body armor.
Initially, a few brave souls jumped the barricades and submitted to arrest, and more joined them.
The signal for the die-in was given (an air raid siren) and the people began to lie down. The cops didn't move, staying behind their barricades.
After a long standoff, Adam Kokesh spoke to the massed crowd on the lawn, Brian Becker of ANSWER jumped up on the stone wall, and leaped over the barricade into the police line, and was followed immediately by Kokesh, the IVAW contingent, the amazing Col. Ann Wright,
and then hundreds of others, including Code Pink and your old hippie pal.
Out of tens of thousands, a few hundred jumped, and got arrested. No one can dispute the bravery of those who leaped into the police lines, nor can we doubt the motives.
But - though I participated fully, and am proud of doing so- I think it was misguided and counter productive.
What we needed to do was STAY on the ground. Lie down and not get up. Refuse to move. If it took hours or days, we should have lain, unmoving and resistant, and forced the police to come and get us, drag us off, one by one. We should never have gone to them.
We needed Gandhi as our model, not the Military. We needed to perform true passive resistance, and not literally jump into the arms of the opposition. We needed to STOP BUSINESS AS USUAL.
"Strength does not come from physical capacity. It comes from an indomitable will."
Adam Kokesh is a smart and brave man, (my respect and admiration for him are obvious in the above) and what he has accomplished -- along with his incredible organization, cannot be praised highly enough. But Adam and ALL of us need to learn -- that confrontation does not mean aggression, that the tactics of The Police and the Military should not be used in our cause. We should never have jumped the wall. We should STILL be lying down, STILL be on the concrete, and not become impatient or aggressive but implacably unmovably passive -- thus to create true resistance.
Passive resistance takes more courage than physical confrontation. Its easy to get pissed off, and want to ACT. Being brainwashed by American education media and society, we come to believe that ACTION means DOING something. But Gandhi knew that dedicated masses doing NOTHING is the most forceful and effective method for gaining change. By using Police methods, by invading, attacking, trespassing, we became Them, and ultimately we failed.
"You must be the change you want to see in the world."
We desperately need the energy and will, and yes the physical presence and strength of the IVAW, and all the other young people who must now take over the movement. But I pray that they can see the bigger picture, and throw off their conditioning and training from American schools, homes, TV shows, and military field manuals.
People say that Sept. 15 was a turning point. And I agree.
We must now make it a turning point for a new set of tactics, where true resistance can be achieved.
We must take to the streets, as Adam and Cindy and Rev Yearwood have all said. We MUST.
But what do we do when we GET there ? Do we storm the police stations ? Do we throw rocks at the windows of Bechtel's offices ?
Do we invade CONGRESS to demand their help ?
None of the above.
Congress is THEM, and both Parties are complicit and participatory. One does not demand that Co Conspirators end The Conspiracy.
Forget Congress.
We must begin true resistance, we must take to the streets, and lie down in the streets, and stop ALL business as usual, everywhere we can, for as long as we can.
Our target is not Congress, or Bush, or Petraeus. The target is US.
WE must reach The People, and bring the question to THEM.
In their home towns, in their offices, in their schools, in their counting houses.
For us to be successful we must renounce the methods of our Oppressors, and take on the ways of Gandhi and King.
Passive mass resistance, everywhere we can.
Imagine if no one had jumped over the wall, and hundreds if not thousands of us were STILL lying down in front of the Capitol as you read this.
How much easier it is to get masses of people to join in when the tactic is passive resistance. How much more effective and enduring is unending resistance.
No more of the same old fruitless ways- marches, rallies, signs, jumping into the arms of the police, or demanding morally correct action from our enemies.
The old ways lead to the old results.
Let's use our new strength and our new momentum to do those things that can truly bring change.
Tomorrow- I'll continue- with the story of what happened to us once we were thrown to the ground, arrested, hand cuffed, and treated like AbuGhraibians.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
100,000 March Against Iraq War in Washington
200 Arrested in Dramatic Mass Die-In
Yesterday, nearly 100,000 people -- led by anti-war Iraq veterans, military families and others -- marched from the White House to the Capitol in Washington, D.C. to demand an immediate end to the occupation of Iraq. The march concluded with a dramatic "die-in" of 5,000 people surrounding the Capitol. Almost 200 people were arrested when police prevented them taking an anti-war message to Congress.
People marched shoulder-to-shoulder on eight-lane-wide Pennsylvania Avenue, with the densely packed march stretching more than 10 blocks. It was a historic action and a step forward for the anti-war movement.
Protesters surged onto the Capitol's south lawn and up the steps where they were met by a police line. There, Iraq veterans conducted a solemn ceremony to memorialize the U.S. soldiers and Iraqis killed in the war. Over 5,000 people then lay down in a symbolic "die-in" -- one of the largest acts of civil disobedience in recent years.
One hundred ninety-seven people, including dozens of veterans and activists, were arrested when they tried to deliver their anti-war message to Congress and were stopped by the police. Among the arrested were Adam Kokesh, Liam Madden, Jeff Millard, and Garrett Reppenhagen of Iraq Veterans Against the War; Brian Becker, National Coordinator of the ANSWER Coalition; Ann Wright, former U.S. Army Colonel; Michael Prysner, Iraq war veteran and ANSWER activist in Florida; union president Gloria La Riva; and Eugene Puryear, Howard University student and National Coordinator of Youth & Student ANSWER.
Police pepper-sprayed demonstrators without provocation.
This mass action came on the heels of the pro-war Petraeus report to Congress and Bush's wholehearted endorsement of the report. Meanwhile, the war rages on, destroying Iraqi society. Nearly 4,000 U.S. solidiers and up to 1 million Iraqis have died since the U.S. invasion in March 2003.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Thousands March in D.C. War Protest
By Matthew Barakat
WASHINGTON (AP) — Several thousand anti-war demonstrators marched through downtown Washington on Saturday, clashing with police at the foot of the Capitol steps where at least 160 protesters were arrested. The group marched from the White House to the Capitol to demand an end to the Iraq war. Their numbers stretched for blocks along Pennsylvania Avenue, and they held banners and signs and chanted, "What do we want? Troops out. When do we want it? Now." Army veteran Justin Cliburn, 25, of Lawton, Okla., was among a contingent of Iraq veterans in attendance.
"We're occupying a people who do not want us there," Cliburn said of Iraq. "We're here to show that it isn't just a bunch of old hippies from the 60s who are against this war." Counterprotesters lined the sidewalks behind metal barricades. There were some heated shouting matches between the two sides. The arrests came after protesters lay down on the Capitol lawn in what they called a "die in" — with signs on top of their bodies to represent soldiers killed in Iraq. When police took no action, some of the protesters started climbing over a barricade at the foot of the Capitol steps. Many were arrested without a struggle after they jumped over the waist-high barrier. But some grew angry as police with shields and riot gear attempted to push them back. At least two people were showered with chemical spray. Protesters responded by throwing signs and chanting: "Shame on you."
The number of arrests by Capitol Police on Saturday was much higher than previous anti-war rallies in Washington this year. Five people were arrested at a protest outside the Pentagon in March when they walked onto a bridge that had been closed off to accommodate the demonstration, then refused to leave. And at a rally in January, about 50 demonstrators blocked a street near the Capitol, but they were dispersed without arrests. The protesters gathered earlier Saturday near the White House in Lafayette Park with signs saying "End the war now" and calling for President Bush's impeachment. The rally was organized by the ANSWER Coalition and other groups.
Organizers estimated that more than 100,000 people attended the rally and march. That number could not be confirmed; police did not give their own estimate. But there appeared to be tens of thousands of people in attendance. Anti-war activist Cindy Sheehan told the crowd is was time to be assertive. "It's time to lay our bodies on the line and say we've had enough," she said. "It's time to shut this city down."
About 13 blocks away, nearly 1,000 counterprotesters gathered near the Washington Monument, frequently erupting in chants of "U-S-A" and waving American flags.Retired Air Force Lt. Col. Robert "Buzz" Patterson, speaking from a stage to crowds clad in camouflage, American flag bandanas and Harley Davidson jackets, said he wanted to send three messages. "Congress, quit playing games with our troops. Terrorists, we will find you and kill you," he said. "And to our troops, we're here for you, and we support you."
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Sunday, September 16, 2007
Friday, September 14, 2007
DRANT #257: PRESIDENT BUSH, YOUR SHEIK IS DEAD
FORGET CNN , KEITH OLBERMANN, JON STEWART, AND ALL THE REST.
IF YA WANT TO KNOW WHAT THE HELL IS GOING ON, CHECK THE ACTUAL NEWS ORGANIZATIONS ON THE GROUND.
THE AMAZING MOSAIC TV - VIA LINK TV-
A DAILY COMPENDIUM OF MIDDLE EAST TV NEWS- EVERY DAY - FREE-- PLUS FREQUENT "INTELLIGENCE REPORTS"
Or, ya can ask Wolf Blitzer.....
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Mosaic Intelligence Report
When Sheikh Abdul Sattar Abu Risha was killed only hours before President Bush delivered his speech to the nation Thursday evening, some called it divine providence, others called it Allah's bidding.
“President Bush Your Sheikh is Dead”, a commentator wrote in the Arab language blogosphere, where reactions and editorials escape Arab governments’ censorship.
Watch the latest video: Who Killed the Sheikh?
Read more!!
IF YA WANT TO KNOW WHAT THE HELL IS GOING ON, CHECK THE ACTUAL NEWS ORGANIZATIONS ON THE GROUND.
THE AMAZING MOSAIC TV - VIA LINK TV-
A DAILY COMPENDIUM OF MIDDLE EAST TV NEWS- EVERY DAY - FREE-- PLUS FREQUENT "INTELLIGENCE REPORTS"
Or, ya can ask Wolf Blitzer.....
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Mosaic Intelligence Report
When Sheikh Abdul Sattar Abu Risha was killed only hours before President Bush delivered his speech to the nation Thursday evening, some called it divine providence, others called it Allah's bidding.
“President Bush Your Sheikh is Dead”, a commentator wrote in the Arab language blogosphere, where reactions and editorials escape Arab governments’ censorship.
Watch the latest video: Who Killed the Sheikh?
Read more!!
Thursday, September 13, 2007
DRANT #256: DEMOCRACY WHILE BLACK
"Democracy While Black" - Rev. Lennox Yearwood Arrested,
Charged with Assault While Entering Petraeus Hearing
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/09/13/1445202
The Rev. Lennox Yearwood, president of the Hip Hop Caucus, was tackled by six Capitol police officers after he tried to enter the Petraeus hearing on Monday. Rev. Yearwood was injured in the incident taken to hospital. He was later charged him with felony assault of a police officer. [includes rush transcript] President Bush is expected to announce tonight plans to reduce the number of U.S. troops in Iraq to 130,000 by next July.
In a meeting with top Democratic leaders, the president said he was trying to find common ground on Iraq by planning to "start doing some redeployment."
But at the meeting House Speaker Nancy Pelosi reportedly interjected, "No you're not, Mr. President. You're just going back to the pre-surge level."
President Bush will be outlining his plans in a nationally televised address to the nation at 9 p.m. His speech comes just three days after General David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker came before Congress to recommend the continuation of the war for the indefinite future.
On Monday, at least 10 protesters were arrested during General David Petraeus' hearing. Most were arrested for disrupting the Congressional hearing but at least one activist was arrested for simply trying to watch the proceedings.
(DR NOTE: Cindy Sheehan's daughter and her assistant were being charged with "Contempt of Congress" and Rep. Ike Skelton, the Idiot ("assholes") Democratic Chairman of the committee, has invoked Title 10, which mandates much harsher penalties on the demonstrators.)
Video posted on YouTube shows the Reverend Lennox Yearwood of the Hip Hop Caucus being tackled by six Capitol police officers after he tried to enter the hearing.
Rev. Yearwood was injured in the incident and was taken to the hospital. The capitol police charged him with felony assault of a police officer.
The Rev. Lennox Yearwood is the founder of the Hip Hop Caucus. He is among the organizers of this Saturday's anti-war march in Washington. He joins us in Washington D.C.
* Rev. Lennox Yearwood, president of the Hip Hop Caucus. He is a minister and community activist. He is one of the organizers of Saturday's anti-war march in Washington.
RUSH TRANSCRIPT
This transcript is available free of charge. However, donations help us provide closed captioning for the deaf and hard of hearing on our TV broadcast. Thank you for your generous contribution.
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JUAN GONZALEZ: President Bush expected to announce tonight plans to reduce the number of US troops in Iraq back down to 130,000 by next July.
In a meeting with top Democratic leaders, the President said he was trying to find common ground on Iraq by planning to “start doing some redeployment.” But at the meeting, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi reportedly interjected by saying, “No, you’re not, Mr. President. You’re just going back to the pre-surge level.”
President Bush will be outlining his plans in a nationally televised address to the nation at 9:00 p.m. His speech comes just three days after General David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker came before Congress to recommend the continuation of the war for the indefinite future.
AMY GOODMAN: On Monday, at least ten protesters were arrested during General David Petraeus's hearing. Most were arrested for disrupting the congressional hearing, but at least one activist was arrested for simply trying to watch the proceedings. Video posted on YouTube shows the Reverend Lennox Yearwood of the Hip Hop Caucus being tackled by six Capitol police officers after he tried to enter the hearing.
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: No, no. For what? No. What kind of arrest? Ow!
WITNESS: Hey, take it easy! Easy! Easy! He's a nonviolent man! He's a minister! He's a minister!
AMY GOODMAN: He was injured in the incident and was taken to the hospital. The Capitol police charged him with felony assault of a police officer. Reverend Lennox Yearwood is the founder of the Hip Hop Caucus. He’s among the organizers of this Saturday’s antiwar march in Washington. He joins us from the studios in Washington, D.C. Welcome to Democracy Now!
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Good morning, Amy.
AMY GOODMAN: Tell us what happened.
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Well, on September 10, I went to hear the hearing, and I can tell you that it was, for me, as a former Air Force officer, obviously someone who is the President of the Hip Hop Caucus leading a march on Saturday, I knew how important it was to hear the general's report for myself. I knew that when officers lie, soldiers die. So I was going in, in essence, to make government more transparent. It was also critical for me as a person of color to be in the room to report back to my community.
But instead, when I got there, I was waiting in line. I was standing there. I had to do a radio interview. I asked the officer, I said, “Can I step out of line for a second to do an interview?” He said, “No problem.” I did my interview. I came back to the line. I got back in the line. I was waiting.
And then, all of a sudden -- it was somewhat suspicious -- another officer came down, was passing out blue post-it notes. And as he was coming in the line, he actually came to me and actually Colonel Ann Wright, who was standing with me. It was amazing. The two officers who were going in to hear General Petraeus, he actually told us both, “You can't get in,” and then walked past us.
And so, me and Colonel Ann Wright looked at each other and said, “Why can't we get in?” He said, “You can't get in.” And so, we went up forward, and we kept walking to the front of the line and said, “Why are we being denied?” “You just can't get in.” And so, somebody came and passed one of the blue post-it notes to Colonel Wright and put it in her hand. And she showed it to him. “I didn't give you that.” She said, “I know. Why can't we get in?” He said, “Well, OK, you can get in.” And she said, “What about Reverend Yearwood?” He said, “No, he can't get in.”
And that’s when it started. I said, “Why are you singling me out? What is going on?” It’s important to know. We have this huge rally at the White House, and a march to the Capitol is coming Saturday. And I know my picture is on the flier. But regardless, I asked, “Why are you singling me out?”
At that point in time, they became to be aggressive, and they got around me. And I said that -- “You’re going to be arrested.” I said, “What am I going to be arrested for? What have I done? I just want to go inside and hear the hearing for myself.” At that point in time, one came behind me, said, “You’re going to be arrested.” And then somebody grabbed me on my shoulder. And I kind of turned. Amy, by the time I turned, I was on the ground. And I actually just felt myself going headfirst into the concrete.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Reverend Yearwood, to your knowledge, was anyone else who was on the line singled out and told they could not come in?
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Well, there were three of us. One was Gail from CODEPINK -- Ann Wright and myself were the three who were singled out. All of us are obviously very prominent peace activists. And so, we were the three. Gail, who was singled out, kind of moved to the side, and then myself and Ann Wright were right there at the front. And then somebody put a blue post-it note in Ann's hands. And then he just let her in, so it wasn't about anything else. And then he just singled us out. He said, “You’re not getting in.” It was amazing. It was just stopping the peace activists, like just stopping the peace activists from going in.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to Reverend Lennox Yearwood, President of the Hip Hop Caucus. How often do you go into congressional hearings? Do the police know your face?
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Well, no, they definitely know my face. With the Hip Hop Caucus, it is our job to make government transparent, particularly for urban youth. What’s so tragic about this is that we tried to go into the halls of Congress so that young people can come and become familiar with the process. And obviously they cannot be afraid of the process. A lot of young people of color -- a lot of young people, period -- don't trust the system. And so, not trusting the system, our job is to tell them to register to vote, to get them encouraged to make it more transparent. And so, obviously they know.
Obviously they know that I’m also a peace activist. I’m also a member of Iraq Veterans Against the War. I’m obviously -- I’m totally against this war. I think it is an atrocity. They know that. So I’m a face that they recognize, and not somebody -- and I’m also a minister, a man of God. And so, they knew who I was, standing in line.
And so, when they pulled out of -- they actually didn’t pull me out. They just stopped me from getting in, and they wouldn't tell me why. They just stopped me. What was worse, when they leaped on me, started to beat me in the halls of Congress. And I say, here I am, a former officer lying in the halls of Congress, while there’s another officer in the hearing lying to the Congress. And here I am just lying and being beaten. I couldn’t understand.
It was -- and I have to tell you, Amy, when I was literally -- when I was lying there, I have to admit, I actually, as a person of color, lost hope for a second. I was sitting there, “Why am I doing this? I’m just here to try to make the injustice visible. I’m not hurting anybody. I’m not hitting anybody. I’m just here. I was in line. I just want to go in. And instead, I’m being beaten in the halls of Congress, sitting here being leaped on by police officers and being beaten all for this reason.”
AMY GOODMAN: They charged you with assaulting a police officer?
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: The amazing thing is that then, after obviously I tore ligaments in my ankle, and then they took me to the hospital, and then they took me to jail, and they charged me originally with felony assault on an officer. And then the court -- and they tried to ban me from the Capitol. And obviously that was thrown out, the banning of me from the Capitol, which is wonderful for our march, because we’re marching to the Capitol on Saturday. And they kept the misdemeanor. So I’ll be going to court again for that. But it was amazing.
I must say this, though. When I heard the chant, my mother in the movement, Cindy Sheehan, and DeeDee were there. When I was down on the ground, I literally was just like, “This is ridiculous.” But I heard them say, “Arrest Bush, not Rev!” I can tell you that I knew that the movement -- we will not be denied. We will show up at every hearing, and our voices as a people will be heard.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Tell us, in terms of the upcoming march this Saturday, the response that you’re hearing, especially in terms of the African American, Latino and the non-white communities, because many of the peace marches have still had very few or low participation level from those communities, even though in those communities the public sentiment seems to be more against the war than even in the general population.
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Well, obviously. I mean, obviously. If you can beat on a reverend in the halls of Congress, how many of you want to come out to these marches. You’re going to think the same thing’s going to happen to you. If you can beat on ministers and fathers and priests and women, this is going to have a tremendous effect on communities of color, and so they recognize this. So, obviously, their sentiment against this war is very high. They are against this war from the beginning, and it continues to be high.
But regardless of that, what we have been seeing now, so many who have seen the video, they are saying that we are fired up, and we’re not going to take it anymore. And there have been so many from the communities of color, Black and Latino, who are saying that we will come out and we will march to the Capitol, because we recognize now if we don't stop this madness seven years into the twenty-first century, there is not going to be a twenty-second century. Humanity is on the line. So people of color are uniting. And you’re seeing a peace movement now that hasn’t been seen. You’re seeing black and white and brown and yellow, male and female, straight and gay, coming together, because we understand that this is one of the most important -- this is our lunch counter moment for the twenty-first century. And if we don't stand up now, we recognize that all -- all -- could be lost.
AMY GOODMAN: Will you be on crutches, as well, on Saturday, Reverend Yearwood?
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Unfortunately, I will be on crutches on Saturday. I’ll be on crutches for quite some time, unfortunately, for what was done to me. I might have been beaten in the halls of Congress, but my spirit wasn't beaten. So I will be limping all the way to the Capitol on the 15th.
And folks can find out about this at sept15.org. We need everyone. If they can beat on me in the halls of Congress, they will come and beat on you next.
AMY GOODMAN: Reverend Lennox Yearwood, thanks very much for being with us, President of the Hip Hop Caucus, minister and community activist, one of the organizers of the antiwar march that will be taking place in Washington, D.C. on Saturday.
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Charged with Assault While Entering Petraeus Hearing
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=07/09/13/1445202
The Rev. Lennox Yearwood, president of the Hip Hop Caucus, was tackled by six Capitol police officers after he tried to enter the Petraeus hearing on Monday. Rev. Yearwood was injured in the incident taken to hospital. He was later charged him with felony assault of a police officer. [includes rush transcript] President Bush is expected to announce tonight plans to reduce the number of U.S. troops in Iraq to 130,000 by next July.
In a meeting with top Democratic leaders, the president said he was trying to find common ground on Iraq by planning to "start doing some redeployment."
But at the meeting House Speaker Nancy Pelosi reportedly interjected, "No you're not, Mr. President. You're just going back to the pre-surge level."
President Bush will be outlining his plans in a nationally televised address to the nation at 9 p.m. His speech comes just three days after General David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker came before Congress to recommend the continuation of the war for the indefinite future.
On Monday, at least 10 protesters were arrested during General David Petraeus' hearing. Most were arrested for disrupting the Congressional hearing but at least one activist was arrested for simply trying to watch the proceedings.
(DR NOTE: Cindy Sheehan's daughter and her assistant were being charged with "Contempt of Congress" and Rep. Ike Skelton, the Idiot ("assholes") Democratic Chairman of the committee, has invoked Title 10, which mandates much harsher penalties on the demonstrators.)
Video posted on YouTube shows the Reverend Lennox Yearwood of the Hip Hop Caucus being tackled by six Capitol police officers after he tried to enter the hearing.
Rev. Yearwood was injured in the incident and was taken to the hospital. The capitol police charged him with felony assault of a police officer.
The Rev. Lennox Yearwood is the founder of the Hip Hop Caucus. He is among the organizers of this Saturday's anti-war march in Washington. He joins us in Washington D.C.
* Rev. Lennox Yearwood, president of the Hip Hop Caucus. He is a minister and community activist. He is one of the organizers of Saturday's anti-war march in Washington.
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JUAN GONZALEZ: President Bush expected to announce tonight plans to reduce the number of US troops in Iraq back down to 130,000 by next July.
In a meeting with top Democratic leaders, the President said he was trying to find common ground on Iraq by planning to “start doing some redeployment.” But at the meeting, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi reportedly interjected by saying, “No, you’re not, Mr. President. You’re just going back to the pre-surge level.”
President Bush will be outlining his plans in a nationally televised address to the nation at 9:00 p.m. His speech comes just three days after General David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker came before Congress to recommend the continuation of the war for the indefinite future.
AMY GOODMAN: On Monday, at least ten protesters were arrested during General David Petraeus's hearing. Most were arrested for disrupting the congressional hearing, but at least one activist was arrested for simply trying to watch the proceedings. Video posted on YouTube shows the Reverend Lennox Yearwood of the Hip Hop Caucus being tackled by six Capitol police officers after he tried to enter the hearing.
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: No, no. For what? No. What kind of arrest? Ow!
WITNESS: Hey, take it easy! Easy! Easy! He's a nonviolent man! He's a minister! He's a minister!
AMY GOODMAN: He was injured in the incident and was taken to the hospital. The Capitol police charged him with felony assault of a police officer. Reverend Lennox Yearwood is the founder of the Hip Hop Caucus. He’s among the organizers of this Saturday’s antiwar march in Washington. He joins us from the studios in Washington, D.C. Welcome to Democracy Now!
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Good morning, Amy.
AMY GOODMAN: Tell us what happened.
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Well, on September 10, I went to hear the hearing, and I can tell you that it was, for me, as a former Air Force officer, obviously someone who is the President of the Hip Hop Caucus leading a march on Saturday, I knew how important it was to hear the general's report for myself. I knew that when officers lie, soldiers die. So I was going in, in essence, to make government more transparent. It was also critical for me as a person of color to be in the room to report back to my community.
But instead, when I got there, I was waiting in line. I was standing there. I had to do a radio interview. I asked the officer, I said, “Can I step out of line for a second to do an interview?” He said, “No problem.” I did my interview. I came back to the line. I got back in the line. I was waiting.
And then, all of a sudden -- it was somewhat suspicious -- another officer came down, was passing out blue post-it notes. And as he was coming in the line, he actually came to me and actually Colonel Ann Wright, who was standing with me. It was amazing. The two officers who were going in to hear General Petraeus, he actually told us both, “You can't get in,” and then walked past us.
And so, me and Colonel Ann Wright looked at each other and said, “Why can't we get in?” He said, “You can't get in.” And so, we went up forward, and we kept walking to the front of the line and said, “Why are we being denied?” “You just can't get in.” And so, somebody came and passed one of the blue post-it notes to Colonel Wright and put it in her hand. And she showed it to him. “I didn't give you that.” She said, “I know. Why can't we get in?” He said, “Well, OK, you can get in.” And she said, “What about Reverend Yearwood?” He said, “No, he can't get in.”
And that’s when it started. I said, “Why are you singling me out? What is going on?” It’s important to know. We have this huge rally at the White House, and a march to the Capitol is coming Saturday. And I know my picture is on the flier. But regardless, I asked, “Why are you singling me out?”
At that point in time, they became to be aggressive, and they got around me. And I said that -- “You’re going to be arrested.” I said, “What am I going to be arrested for? What have I done? I just want to go inside and hear the hearing for myself.” At that point in time, one came behind me, said, “You’re going to be arrested.” And then somebody grabbed me on my shoulder. And I kind of turned. Amy, by the time I turned, I was on the ground. And I actually just felt myself going headfirst into the concrete.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Reverend Yearwood, to your knowledge, was anyone else who was on the line singled out and told they could not come in?
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Well, there were three of us. One was Gail from CODEPINK -- Ann Wright and myself were the three who were singled out. All of us are obviously very prominent peace activists. And so, we were the three. Gail, who was singled out, kind of moved to the side, and then myself and Ann Wright were right there at the front. And then somebody put a blue post-it note in Ann's hands. And then he just let her in, so it wasn't about anything else. And then he just singled us out. He said, “You’re not getting in.” It was amazing. It was just stopping the peace activists, like just stopping the peace activists from going in.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to Reverend Lennox Yearwood, President of the Hip Hop Caucus. How often do you go into congressional hearings? Do the police know your face?
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Well, no, they definitely know my face. With the Hip Hop Caucus, it is our job to make government transparent, particularly for urban youth. What’s so tragic about this is that we tried to go into the halls of Congress so that young people can come and become familiar with the process. And obviously they cannot be afraid of the process. A lot of young people of color -- a lot of young people, period -- don't trust the system. And so, not trusting the system, our job is to tell them to register to vote, to get them encouraged to make it more transparent. And so, obviously they know.
Obviously they know that I’m also a peace activist. I’m also a member of Iraq Veterans Against the War. I’m obviously -- I’m totally against this war. I think it is an atrocity. They know that. So I’m a face that they recognize, and not somebody -- and I’m also a minister, a man of God. And so, they knew who I was, standing in line.
And so, when they pulled out of -- they actually didn’t pull me out. They just stopped me from getting in, and they wouldn't tell me why. They just stopped me. What was worse, when they leaped on me, started to beat me in the halls of Congress. And I say, here I am, a former officer lying in the halls of Congress, while there’s another officer in the hearing lying to the Congress. And here I am just lying and being beaten. I couldn’t understand.
It was -- and I have to tell you, Amy, when I was literally -- when I was lying there, I have to admit, I actually, as a person of color, lost hope for a second. I was sitting there, “Why am I doing this? I’m just here to try to make the injustice visible. I’m not hurting anybody. I’m not hitting anybody. I’m just here. I was in line. I just want to go in. And instead, I’m being beaten in the halls of Congress, sitting here being leaped on by police officers and being beaten all for this reason.”
AMY GOODMAN: They charged you with assaulting a police officer?
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: The amazing thing is that then, after obviously I tore ligaments in my ankle, and then they took me to the hospital, and then they took me to jail, and they charged me originally with felony assault on an officer. And then the court -- and they tried to ban me from the Capitol. And obviously that was thrown out, the banning of me from the Capitol, which is wonderful for our march, because we’re marching to the Capitol on Saturday. And they kept the misdemeanor. So I’ll be going to court again for that. But it was amazing.
I must say this, though. When I heard the chant, my mother in the movement, Cindy Sheehan, and DeeDee were there. When I was down on the ground, I literally was just like, “This is ridiculous.” But I heard them say, “Arrest Bush, not Rev!” I can tell you that I knew that the movement -- we will not be denied. We will show up at every hearing, and our voices as a people will be heard.
JUAN GONZALEZ: Tell us, in terms of the upcoming march this Saturday, the response that you’re hearing, especially in terms of the African American, Latino and the non-white communities, because many of the peace marches have still had very few or low participation level from those communities, even though in those communities the public sentiment seems to be more against the war than even in the general population.
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Well, obviously. I mean, obviously. If you can beat on a reverend in the halls of Congress, how many of you want to come out to these marches. You’re going to think the same thing’s going to happen to you. If you can beat on ministers and fathers and priests and women, this is going to have a tremendous effect on communities of color, and so they recognize this. So, obviously, their sentiment against this war is very high. They are against this war from the beginning, and it continues to be high.
But regardless of that, what we have been seeing now, so many who have seen the video, they are saying that we are fired up, and we’re not going to take it anymore. And there have been so many from the communities of color, Black and Latino, who are saying that we will come out and we will march to the Capitol, because we recognize now if we don't stop this madness seven years into the twenty-first century, there is not going to be a twenty-second century. Humanity is on the line. So people of color are uniting. And you’re seeing a peace movement now that hasn’t been seen. You’re seeing black and white and brown and yellow, male and female, straight and gay, coming together, because we understand that this is one of the most important -- this is our lunch counter moment for the twenty-first century. And if we don't stand up now, we recognize that all -- all -- could be lost.
AMY GOODMAN: Will you be on crutches, as well, on Saturday, Reverend Yearwood?
REV. LENNOX YEARWOOD, JR.: Unfortunately, I will be on crutches on Saturday. I’ll be on crutches for quite some time, unfortunately, for what was done to me. I might have been beaten in the halls of Congress, but my spirit wasn't beaten. So I will be limping all the way to the Capitol on the 15th.
And folks can find out about this at sept15.org. We need everyone. If they can beat on me in the halls of Congress, they will come and beat on you next.
AMY GOODMAN: Reverend Lennox Yearwood, thanks very much for being with us, President of the Hip Hop Caucus, minister and community activist, one of the organizers of the antiwar march that will be taking place in Washington, D.C. on Saturday.
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Tuesday, September 11, 2007
DRANT #255: SEPT. 11, 2006
September 11. A day we should all imprint eternally in our hearts and minds.
For on September 11, 1906, Mohandas Gandhi's life changed, and so as well did he change the lives of hundreds, then thousands, and they together changed the lives of millions, and the course of the planet.
Every day, every single one of us is granted the same miraculous gift to act solely from our deepest selves, and so as well can each of us similarly change the lives of millions.
In these days of greed and murder, willful self-destruction, and mendacity for profit, the greatest gift we can give ourselves and others is hope, and hope can arise solely from a profound belief that we can effect change.
Hope is contagious, and much more powerful than vengeance or gluttony.
And it is our gift to use. Every single one of us.
There is no magic wand. We need to believe, then we need to decide, then we need to ACT.
But bro- ya better HURRY UP.
"...None of us knew what name to give to our movement. I then used the term ‘passive resistance' in describing it. I did not quite understand the implications of ‘passive resistance' as I called it. I only knew that some new principle had come into being. As the struggle advanced, the phrase ‘passive resistance' gave rise to confusion and it appeared shameful to permit this great struggle to be known only by an English name. Again, that foreign phrase could hardly pass as current coin among the community. A small prize was therefore announced in Indian Opinion t o be awarded to the reader who invented the best designation for our struggle. We thus received a number of suggestions. The meaning of the struggle had been then fully discussed in Indian Opinion and the competitors for the prize had fairly sufficient material to serve as a basis for their exploration. Shri Maganlal Gandhi was one of the competitors and he suggested the word ‘Sadagraha,' meaning. ‘firmness in a good cause.' I liked the work, but it did not fully represent the whole idea I wished it to connote. I therefore corrected it to ‘Satyagraha.' Truth (Satya) implies love, and firmness (agraha) engenders and therefore serves as a synonym for force. I thus began to call the Indian movement ‘Satyagraha,' that is to say, the Force which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence..."
M.K. GANDHI
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TRANSNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR PEACE AND FUTURE RESEARCH
On August 22, 1906, the Transvaal government in South Africa under the British Empire gave notice of a new legislation requiring all Indians, Arabs and Turks to register with the government. Fingerprints and identification marks on the person's body were to be recorded in order to obtain a certificate of registration. Those who failed to register could be fined, sent to prison or deported. Even children had to be brought to the Registrar from their fingerprint impressions. At the time, there were less than 100,000 Indians in South Africa. But in Transvaal, there was an Indian lawyer working with a Muslim company, and his name was Mohandas K. Gandhi.
On September 11, 1906, Gandhi called a mass meeting of some 3,000 Transvaal Indians to find ways to resist the Registration Act. He felt the Act was the embodiment of "hatred of Indians" which if accepted would "spell absolute ruin for the Indians in South Africa", and therefore resisting it is a "question of life and death."
Among these 3,000 people attending the meeting was one Sheth haji Habib, an old Muslim resident of South Africa. Deeply moved after listening to Gandhi's speech, Sheth Habib said to the congregation that the Indians had to pass this resolution with God as witness and could never yield a cowardly submission to such a degrading legislation. Gandhi wrote in his Satyagraha in Africa (1928), that " He then went on solemnly to declare in the name of God that he would never submit to that law and advised all present to do likewise." Though Sheth Habib was known to be a man of temper, his action on September 11 was significant because of his decision to act in defiance of an unjust law and willingness to suffer the consequences in a spiritually-endowed fight for justice in the name of God.
Gandhi was taken aback by the Muslim's suggestion. He wrote, " I did not come to the meeting with a view to getting the resolution passed in that manner, which redounds to the credit of Sheth haji Habib as well as it lays a burden of responsibility upon him. I tender my congratulations to him. I deeply appreciate his suggestion, but if you adopt it you too will share his responsibility.
On that day, September 11, 1906, in South Africa, the Indian nonviolent movement was born. Gandhi later called his Indian movement: "Satyagraha" or " the Force which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence." This movement went on to free 300 million people from the power of the British Empire and gave the twentieth century a most remarkable demonstration of the power of nonviolent struggle.
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September 10, 2006
George Houser: Remembering a Sept. 11 that occurred 100 years ago
The tragic World Trade Center attack is used as an excuse for policies of our government in Iraq that many of us oppose and threaten civil liberties in our own country. It is most appropriate to also recall an event that happened on Sept. 11, 1906 that spawned movements leading to positive changes in the way injustice is confronted worldwide.
This month, South Africa commemorates the event 100 years ago when minority Europeans ruled over the majority of nonwhite Africans, so-called "coloreds," and people of Indian origin. Since the 1860s, thousands of Indians had worked in sugar-cane fields there. A young lawyer, Mohandas Gandhi, already 13 years in South Africa, was well acquainted with indignities suffered by the majority of the people. Legislation proposed in 1906 would require permits granted only by the white government for Indians to move around the country or across borders.
Gandhi described a mass protest meeting in Johannesburg on Sept. 11, 1906, where thousands of Indians "solemnly determined not to submit ... in the event of [the permits] becoming law, and to suffer all the penalties attached to such non-submission ... ." This began Gandhi's transformation from lawyer to "Mahatma" or Great Soul. After the laws were adopted, the opposition gathered momentum. "None of us knew what name to give our movement ... Thus the word 'satyagraha' was coined ... the Force which is born of Truth and love or nonviolence." This "9/11" was the conscious beginning of a creative, nonviolent means of struggle against injustice.
In Chicago in 1941, a group of us began a study of nonviolence, including Gandhi's autobiography. We asked how all this applied to our lives and found out through our own experience. In a restaurant one day, our interracial group was refused service. The "sit down" was born, taking a leaf from the notebook of UAW strikes in Detroit. If no satisfactory resolution was reached with management, we would sit in a restaurant until everyone was served. And it worked! But not without difficulty. Sometimes police were called and occasionally arrests occurred.
The national organization, the Congress of Racial Equality CORE, was also born. The idea of nonviolent direct action, an adaptation of satyagraha, spread to other cities. The lesson of 9/11, 1906, became real for us as we challenged segregation in swimming pools, theaters, housing and all kinds of public facilities.
Another major step was initiated in 1946. Eleven years before Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat, the Supreme Court ruled that segregation was "an undue burden on interstate commerce." The 1947 interracial Journey of Reconciliation tested bus and train adherence to the court decision for two weeks in Jim Crow states of the Upper South; 26 tests were made and 12 freedom riders arrested. The much more highly publicized Freedom Rides of 1961 extended the challenge into the Deep South, with arrests and brutal violence demanding the attention of the whole country and even the reluctant Kennedy administration. The Freedom Rides led to subsequent mass actions, voting rights legislation, the march on Washington, and the campaign for voting registration in the summer of 1964. This all had a major effect on the pattern of race relations in this country and is part of the legacy of the Gandhi event of 9/11/1906.
The Defiance Campaign, sponsored by the African National Congress of South Africa in 1952, also had a major effect on my life. In the tradition of Gandhi, the ANC carried out its nonviolent defiance of the apartheid laws of South Africa with over 8,500 arrests. CORE raised funds for legal defense and aid to families whose breadwinners were spending time in prison. The American Committee on Africa became part of one of the great movements of the 20th century — the struggle against apartheid and colonialism. I am reminded of Margaret Mead's truth: "Never doubt that a small group of dedicated and committed people can change the world. Indeed, nothing else ever has."
What relevance has this to us in our world today?
Even as protests against the war in Iraq have grown, so also has the American people's fear. The possibility of terrorism is used as a threat to keep people in line.
William Sloane Coffin, former pastor of Riverside Church in New York, outstanding preacher, peace and civil rights activist, wrote, "Hope has nothing to do with optimism. Its opposite is not pessimism, but despair. ... Hope criticizes what is, hopelessness rationalizes it. Hope resists, hopelessness adapts."
We are given hope because there was a Rosa Parks who refused to give up her seat in Montgomery, Alabama.
We can take hope because Cindy Sheehan called attention to the evil of the war in Iraq.
We can take hope because 1st Lt. Ehren Watada faces a court martial because he refused to go to Iraq in what he calls an illegal war.
On Sept. 11, it is well to remember not only a tragic attack in New York, but the inauguration of a positive method of struggle against injustice and for peace with universal application. The struggle continues and we must always be looking for the next step, the next challenge.
Maybe it is with ourselves.
I think of A.J. Muste, long the head of the Fellowship of Reconciliation. One day when picketing the White House in opposition to the Vietnam war, a journalist asked, "Why do you demonstrate in the rain. Do you think you will change the country this way?"
"No," replied Muste, "I don't do this to change the country. I do this so the country won't change me."
George Houser is a former executive director of the Congress of Racial Equality, a founder and executive director of the American Committee on Africa and a retired United Methodist clergyman. He lives in Pomona, N.Y.
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The Advent of Satyagraha *
Gandhi, M. K.
Satyagraha in South Africa, Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, India Seventh Reprint, April 2003, pp. 95-102.
The meeting was duly held on September 11, 1906. It was attended by delegates from various places in the Transvaal . But I must confess that even I myself had not then understood all the implications of the resolutions I had helped to frame; nor had I gauged all the possible conclusions to which they might lead. The old Empire Theatre was packed from floor to ceiling. I could read in every face the expectation of something strange to be done or to happen. Mr. Abdul Gani, Chairman of the Transvaal British Indian Association, presided. He was one of the oldest Indian residents of the Transvaal , and partner and manager of the Johannesburg branch of the well-known firm of Mamad Kasam Kamrudin. The most important among the resolutions passed by the meeting was the famous Fourth Resolution by which the Indians solemnly determined not to submit to the Ordinance in the event of its becoming law in the teeth of their opposition and to suffer all the penalties attaching to such non-submission.
I fully explained this resolution to the meeting and received a patient hearing. The business of the meeting was conducted in Hindi or Gujarati; it was impossible therefore that any one present should not follow the proceedings. For the Tamils and Telugus who did not know Hindi there were Tamil and Telugu speakers who fully explained everything in their respective languages. The resolution was duly proposed, seconded and supported by several speakers one of whom was Sheth Haji Habib. He too was a very old and experienced resident of South Africa and made an impassioned speech. He was deeply moved and went so far as to say that we must pass this resolution with God as witness and must never yield a cowardly submission to such degrading legislation, He then went on solemnly to declare in the name of God that he would never submit to that law, and advised all present to do likewise. Others also delivered powerful and angry speeches in supporting the resolution. When in the course of his speech Sheth Haji Habib came to the solemn declaration, I was at once startled and put on my guard. Only then did I fully realize my own responsibility and the responsibility of the community. The community had passed many a resolution before and amended such resolutions in the light of further reflection or fresh experience. There were cases in which resolutions passed had not been observed by all concerned. Amendments in resolutions and failure to observe resolutions on the part of persons agreeing thereto are ordinary experiences of public life all the world over. But no one ever imports the name of God into such resolutions. In the abstract there should not be any distinction between a resolution and an oath taken in the name of God. When an intelligent man makes a resolution deliberately he never serves from it by a hair's breadth. With him his resolution carries as much weight as a declaration made with God as witness does. But the world takes on note of abstract principles and imagines an ordinary resolution and an oath in the name of God to be poles asunder. A man who makes an ordinary resolution is not ashamed of himself when he deviates from it, but a man who violates an oath administered to him is not only ashamed of himself, but is also looked upon by society as sinner. This imaginary distinction has struck such a deep root in the human mind that a person making a statement on oath before a judge is held to have committed an offence in law it the statement is proved to be false and receives drastic punishment.
Full of these thoughts as I was, possessing as I did much experience of solemn pledges, having profited by them, I was taken aback by Sheth Haji Habib's suggestion of an oath. I thought out the possible consequences of it in a moment. My perplexity gave place to enthusiasm. And although I had no intention of taking an oath or inviting others to do so when I went to the meeting, I warmly approved of the Sheth's suggestion. But at the same time it seemed to me that the people should be told of all the consequences and should have explained to them clearly the meaning of pledge. And if even then they were prepared to pledge themselves, they should be encouraged to do so; otherwise I must understand that they were not still ready to stand the final test. I therefore asked the President for permission to explain to the meeting the implications of Sheth Haji Habib's suggestion. The President readily granted it and I rose to address the meeting. I give bellow a summary of my remarks just as I can recall them now:
"I wish to explain to this meeting that there is a vast difference between this resolution and every other resolution we have passed up to date and that there is a wide divergence also in the manner of making it. It is a very grave resolution we are making, as our existence in South Africa depends upon our fully observing it. The manner of making the resolution suggested by our friend is as much of a novelty as f a solemnity. I did not come to the meeting with a view to getting the resolution passed in that manner, which redounds to the credit of Sheth Haji Habib as well as it lays a burden of responsibility upon him. I tender my congratulations to him. I deeply appreciate his suggestion, but if you adopt it you too will share his responsibility. You must understand what is this responsibility, and as an adviser and servant of the community, it is my duty fully to explain it to you.
"We all believe in one and the same God, the differences of nomenclature in Hinduism and Islam notwithstanding. To pledge ourselves or to take an oath in the name of that God or with him as witness is not something to be trifled with. If having taken such an oath we violate our pledge we are guilty before God and man. Personally I hold that a man, who deliberately and intelligently takes a pledge and then breads it, forfeits his manhood. And just as a copper coin treated with mercury not only becomes valueless when detected but also makes its owner liable to punishment, in the same way a man who lightly pledges his word and then breaks it becomes a man of straw and fits himself for punishment here as well as hereafter. Sheth Haji Habib is proposing to administer an oath of very serious character. There is no one in this meeting who can be classed as an infant or as wanting in understanding. You are all well advanced in age and have seen the world; many of you are delegates and have discharged responsibilities in a greater or lesser measure. No one present, therefore, can ever hope to excuse himself by saying that he did not know what he was about when he took the oath.
"I know that pledges and vows are, and should be, taken on rare occasions. A man who takes a vow every now and then is sure to stumble. But if I can imagine a crisis in the history of the Indian community of South Africa when it would be in the fitness of things to take pledges that crisis is surely now. There is wisdom in taking serious steps with great caution and hesitation. But caution and hesitation have their limits, and we have now passed them. The Government has taken leave of all sense of decency. We would only be betraying our unworthiness and cowardice, if we cannot stake our all in the face of the conflagration which envelopes us and sit watching it with folded hands. There is no doubt, therefore, that the present is a proper occasion for taking pledges. But every one of us must think out for himself if he has the will and the ability to pledge himself. Resolutions of this nature cannot passed by a majority vote. Only those who take a pledge can be bound by it. This pledge must not be taken with a view to produce an effect on outsiders. No one should trouble to consider what impression it might have upon the Local Government, the Imperial Government, or the Government of India. Every one must only search his own heart, and if the inner voice assures him that he has the requisite strength to carry him through, then only should he pledge himself and then only will his pledge bear fruit.
"A few words now as to the consequences. Hoping for the best, we may say that if a majority of the Indians pledge themselves to resistance and if all who take the pledge prove true to themselves, the Ordinance may not be passed and, if passed, may be soon repealed. It may be that we may not be called upon to suffer at all. But if on the hand a man who takes a pledge must be a robust optimist, on the other hand he must be prepared for the worst. Therefore I want to give you an idea of the worst that might happen to us in the present struggle. Imagine that of us present here numbering 3,000 at the most pledge ourselves. Imagine again that the remaining 10,000 Indians take no such pledge. We will only provoke ridicule in the beginning. Again, it is quite possible that in spite of the present warning some or many of those who pledge themselves may weaken at the very first trial. We many have to go to jail, where we many be insulted. We many have to go hungry and suffer extreme heat or cold. Hard labour may be imposed upon us. We may be flogged by rude warders. We may be fined heavily and our property may be attached and held up to auction if there are only a few resisters left. Opulent today we may be reduced to abject poverty tomorrow. We may be deported. Suffering from starvation and similar hardships in jail, some of us may fall ill and even die, In short, therefore, it is not at all impossible that we may have to endure every hardship that we can imagine, and wisdom lies in pledging ourselves on the understanding that we shall have to suffer all that and worse. If some one asks me when and how the struggle may end, I may say that if the entire community manfully stands the test, the end will be near. If many of us fall back under storm and stress, the struggle will be prolonged. But I can boldly declare, and with certainty, that so long as there is even a handful of men true to their pledge, there can only be one end to the struggle, and that is victory.
"A word about my personal responsibility. If I am warning you of the risks attendant upon the pledge, I am at the same time inviting you to pledge yourselves, and I am fully conscious of my responsibility in the matter. It is possible that a majority of those present here many take the pledge in a fit of enthusiasm or indignation but may weaken under the ordeal, and only a handful may be left to face the final test. Even then there is only one course open to some one like me, to die but not to submit to the law. It is quite unlikely but even if every one else flinched leaving me alone to face the music, I am confident that I would never violate my pledge. Please do not misunderstand me. I am not saying this out of vanity, but I wish to put you, especially the leaders upon the platform, on your guard. I wish respectfully to suggest it to you that if you have not the will or the ability to stand firm even when you are perfectly isolated, you must not only not take the pledge yourselves but you must declare your opposition before the resolution is put to the meeting and before its members begin to take pledges and you must not make yourselves parties to the resolution. Although we are going to take the pledge in a body, no one should imagine that default on the part of one or many can absolve the rest from their obligation. Every one should fully realize his responsibility, then only pledge himself independently of others and understand that he himself must be true to his pledge even unto death, no matter what others do."
I spoke to this effect and resumed me seat. The meeting heard me word by word in perfect quiet. Other leaders too spoke. All dwelt upon their own responsibility and the responsibility of the audience. The President rose. He too made the situation clear, and at last all present, standing with upraised hands, took an oath with God as witness not to submit to the Ordinance if it became law. I can never forget the scene, which is present before my mind's eye as I write. The community's enthusiasm knew no bounds. The very next day there was some accident in the theatre in consequence of which it was wholly destroyed by fire. On the third day friends brought me the news of the fire and congratulated the community upon this good omen, which signified to them that the Ordinance would meet the same fate us the theatre. I have never been influenced by such so-called signs and therefore did not attach any weight to the coincidence. I have taken note of it here only as a demonstration of the community's courage and faith. The reader will find in the subsequent chapters many more proofs of these two high qualities of the people.
The workers did not let the grass grow under their feet after this great meeting. Meetings were held everywhere and pledges of resistance were taken in every place. The principal topic of discussion in Indian Opinion now was the Black Ordinance.
At the other end, steps were taken in order to meet the Local Government. A deputation waited upon Mr. Duncan, the Colonial Secretary, and told him among other things about the pledges. Sheth Haji Habib, who was a member of the deputation, said, ‘I cannot possibly restrain myself if any officer comes and proceeds to take my wife's finger prints, I will kill him there and then and die myself.' The Minister stared at the Sheth's face for a while and said, ‘Government is reconsidering the advisability of making the Ordinance applicable to women, and I can assure you at once that the clauses relating to women will be deleted. Government have understood your feeling in the matter and desire to respect it. But as for the other provisions, I am sorry to inform you that Government is and will remain adamant. General Botha wants you to agree to this legislation after due deliberation. Government deem it to be essential to the existence of the Europeans. They will certainly consider any suggestions about details which you may make consistently with the objects of the Ordinance, and my advice to the deputation is that your interest lies in agreeing to the legislation and proposing changes only as regards the details.' I am leaving out here the particulars of the discussion with the Minister, as all those arguments have already been dealt with. The arguments were just the same, there was only a difference in phraseology as they were set forth before the Minister. The deputation withdrew, after informing him that his advice notwithstanding, acquiescence in the proposed legislation was out of the question, and after thanking Government for its intention of exempting women form its provisions, it is difficult to say whether the exemption of women was the first fruit of the community's agitation, or whether the Government as an afterthought made a concession to practical considerations which Mr. Curtis had ruled out of his scientific methods. Government claimed that it had decided to exempt women independently of the Indian agitation. Be that as it might, the community established to their own satisfaction a cause and effect relation between the agitation and the exemption and their fighting spirit rose accordingly.
None of us knew what name to give to our movement. I then used the term ‘passive resistance' in describing it. I did not quite understand the implications of ‘passive resistance' as I called it. I only knew that some new principle had come into being. As the struggle advanced, the phrase ‘passive resistance' gave rise to confusion and it appeared shameful to permit this great struggle to be known only by an English name. Again, that foreign phrase could hardly pass as current coin among the community. A small prize was therefore announced in Indian Opinion t o be awarded to the reader who invented the best designation for our struggle. We thus received a number of suggestions. The meaning of the struggle had been then fully discussed in Indian Opinion and the competitors for the prize had fairly sufficient material to serve as a basis for their exploration. Shri Maganlal Gandhi was one of the competitors and he suggested the word ‘Sadagraha,' meaning. ‘firmness in a good cause.' I liked the work, but it did not fully represent the whole idea I wished it to connote. I therefore corrected it to ‘Satyagraha.' Truth (Satya) implies love, and firmness (agraha) engenders and therefore serves as a synonym for force. I thus began to call the Indian movement ‘Satyagraha,' that is to say, the Force which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence, and gave up the use of the phrase ‘passive resistance,' in connection with it, so much so that even in English writing we often avoided it and used instead the work ‘Satyagraha' itself or some other equivalent English phrase, This then was the genesis of the movement which came to be known as `Satyagraha, and of the word used as a designation for it. Before we proceed any further with our history we shall do well to grasp the differences between passive resistance and Satyagraha, Which is the subject of our next chapter.
Gandhi, M. K., Satyagraha in South Africa, Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, India Seventh Reprint, April 2003, pp. 95-102.
Read more!!
For on September 11, 1906, Mohandas Gandhi's life changed, and so as well did he change the lives of hundreds, then thousands, and they together changed the lives of millions, and the course of the planet.
Every day, every single one of us is granted the same miraculous gift to act solely from our deepest selves, and so as well can each of us similarly change the lives of millions.
In these days of greed and murder, willful self-destruction, and mendacity for profit, the greatest gift we can give ourselves and others is hope, and hope can arise solely from a profound belief that we can effect change.
Hope is contagious, and much more powerful than vengeance or gluttony.
And it is our gift to use. Every single one of us.
There is no magic wand. We need to believe, then we need to decide, then we need to ACT.
But bro- ya better HURRY UP.
"...None of us knew what name to give to our movement. I then used the term ‘passive resistance' in describing it. I did not quite understand the implications of ‘passive resistance' as I called it. I only knew that some new principle had come into being. As the struggle advanced, the phrase ‘passive resistance' gave rise to confusion and it appeared shameful to permit this great struggle to be known only by an English name. Again, that foreign phrase could hardly pass as current coin among the community. A small prize was therefore announced in Indian Opinion t o be awarded to the reader who invented the best designation for our struggle. We thus received a number of suggestions. The meaning of the struggle had been then fully discussed in Indian Opinion and the competitors for the prize had fairly sufficient material to serve as a basis for their exploration. Shri Maganlal Gandhi was one of the competitors and he suggested the word ‘Sadagraha,' meaning. ‘firmness in a good cause.' I liked the work, but it did not fully represent the whole idea I wished it to connote. I therefore corrected it to ‘Satyagraha.' Truth (Satya) implies love, and firmness (agraha) engenders and therefore serves as a synonym for force. I thus began to call the Indian movement ‘Satyagraha,' that is to say, the Force which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence..."
M.K. GANDHI
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TRANSNATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR PEACE AND FUTURE RESEARCH
On August 22, 1906, the Transvaal government in South Africa under the British Empire gave notice of a new legislation requiring all Indians, Arabs and Turks to register with the government. Fingerprints and identification marks on the person's body were to be recorded in order to obtain a certificate of registration. Those who failed to register could be fined, sent to prison or deported. Even children had to be brought to the Registrar from their fingerprint impressions. At the time, there were less than 100,000 Indians in South Africa. But in Transvaal, there was an Indian lawyer working with a Muslim company, and his name was Mohandas K. Gandhi.
On September 11, 1906, Gandhi called a mass meeting of some 3,000 Transvaal Indians to find ways to resist the Registration Act. He felt the Act was the embodiment of "hatred of Indians" which if accepted would "spell absolute ruin for the Indians in South Africa", and therefore resisting it is a "question of life and death."
Among these 3,000 people attending the meeting was one Sheth haji Habib, an old Muslim resident of South Africa. Deeply moved after listening to Gandhi's speech, Sheth Habib said to the congregation that the Indians had to pass this resolution with God as witness and could never yield a cowardly submission to such a degrading legislation. Gandhi wrote in his Satyagraha in Africa (1928), that " He then went on solemnly to declare in the name of God that he would never submit to that law and advised all present to do likewise." Though Sheth Habib was known to be a man of temper, his action on September 11 was significant because of his decision to act in defiance of an unjust law and willingness to suffer the consequences in a spiritually-endowed fight for justice in the name of God.
Gandhi was taken aback by the Muslim's suggestion. He wrote, " I did not come to the meeting with a view to getting the resolution passed in that manner, which redounds to the credit of Sheth haji Habib as well as it lays a burden of responsibility upon him. I tender my congratulations to him. I deeply appreciate his suggestion, but if you adopt it you too will share his responsibility.
On that day, September 11, 1906, in South Africa, the Indian nonviolent movement was born. Gandhi later called his Indian movement: "Satyagraha" or " the Force which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence." This movement went on to free 300 million people from the power of the British Empire and gave the twentieth century a most remarkable demonstration of the power of nonviolent struggle.
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September 10, 2006
George Houser: Remembering a Sept. 11 that occurred 100 years ago
The tragic World Trade Center attack is used as an excuse for policies of our government in Iraq that many of us oppose and threaten civil liberties in our own country. It is most appropriate to also recall an event that happened on Sept. 11, 1906 that spawned movements leading to positive changes in the way injustice is confronted worldwide.
This month, South Africa commemorates the event 100 years ago when minority Europeans ruled over the majority of nonwhite Africans, so-called "coloreds," and people of Indian origin. Since the 1860s, thousands of Indians had worked in sugar-cane fields there. A young lawyer, Mohandas Gandhi, already 13 years in South Africa, was well acquainted with indignities suffered by the majority of the people. Legislation proposed in 1906 would require permits granted only by the white government for Indians to move around the country or across borders.
Gandhi described a mass protest meeting in Johannesburg on Sept. 11, 1906, where thousands of Indians "solemnly determined not to submit ... in the event of [the permits] becoming law, and to suffer all the penalties attached to such non-submission ... ." This began Gandhi's transformation from lawyer to "Mahatma" or Great Soul. After the laws were adopted, the opposition gathered momentum. "None of us knew what name to give our movement ... Thus the word 'satyagraha' was coined ... the Force which is born of Truth and love or nonviolence." This "9/11" was the conscious beginning of a creative, nonviolent means of struggle against injustice.
In Chicago in 1941, a group of us began a study of nonviolence, including Gandhi's autobiography. We asked how all this applied to our lives and found out through our own experience. In a restaurant one day, our interracial group was refused service. The "sit down" was born, taking a leaf from the notebook of UAW strikes in Detroit. If no satisfactory resolution was reached with management, we would sit in a restaurant until everyone was served. And it worked! But not without difficulty. Sometimes police were called and occasionally arrests occurred.
The national organization, the Congress of Racial Equality CORE, was also born. The idea of nonviolent direct action, an adaptation of satyagraha, spread to other cities. The lesson of 9/11, 1906, became real for us as we challenged segregation in swimming pools, theaters, housing and all kinds of public facilities.
Another major step was initiated in 1946. Eleven years before Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat, the Supreme Court ruled that segregation was "an undue burden on interstate commerce." The 1947 interracial Journey of Reconciliation tested bus and train adherence to the court decision for two weeks in Jim Crow states of the Upper South; 26 tests were made and 12 freedom riders arrested. The much more highly publicized Freedom Rides of 1961 extended the challenge into the Deep South, with arrests and brutal violence demanding the attention of the whole country and even the reluctant Kennedy administration. The Freedom Rides led to subsequent mass actions, voting rights legislation, the march on Washington, and the campaign for voting registration in the summer of 1964. This all had a major effect on the pattern of race relations in this country and is part of the legacy of the Gandhi event of 9/11/1906.
The Defiance Campaign, sponsored by the African National Congress of South Africa in 1952, also had a major effect on my life. In the tradition of Gandhi, the ANC carried out its nonviolent defiance of the apartheid laws of South Africa with over 8,500 arrests. CORE raised funds for legal defense and aid to families whose breadwinners were spending time in prison. The American Committee on Africa became part of one of the great movements of the 20th century — the struggle against apartheid and colonialism. I am reminded of Margaret Mead's truth: "Never doubt that a small group of dedicated and committed people can change the world. Indeed, nothing else ever has."
What relevance has this to us in our world today?
Even as protests against the war in Iraq have grown, so also has the American people's fear. The possibility of terrorism is used as a threat to keep people in line.
William Sloane Coffin, former pastor of Riverside Church in New York, outstanding preacher, peace and civil rights activist, wrote, "Hope has nothing to do with optimism. Its opposite is not pessimism, but despair. ... Hope criticizes what is, hopelessness rationalizes it. Hope resists, hopelessness adapts."
We are given hope because there was a Rosa Parks who refused to give up her seat in Montgomery, Alabama.
We can take hope because Cindy Sheehan called attention to the evil of the war in Iraq.
We can take hope because 1st Lt. Ehren Watada faces a court martial because he refused to go to Iraq in what he calls an illegal war.
On Sept. 11, it is well to remember not only a tragic attack in New York, but the inauguration of a positive method of struggle against injustice and for peace with universal application. The struggle continues and we must always be looking for the next step, the next challenge.
Maybe it is with ourselves.
I think of A.J. Muste, long the head of the Fellowship of Reconciliation. One day when picketing the White House in opposition to the Vietnam war, a journalist asked, "Why do you demonstrate in the rain. Do you think you will change the country this way?"
"No," replied Muste, "I don't do this to change the country. I do this so the country won't change me."
George Houser is a former executive director of the Congress of Racial Equality, a founder and executive director of the American Committee on Africa and a retired United Methodist clergyman. He lives in Pomona, N.Y.
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The Advent of Satyagraha *
Gandhi, M. K.
Satyagraha in South Africa, Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, India Seventh Reprint, April 2003, pp. 95-102.
The meeting was duly held on September 11, 1906. It was attended by delegates from various places in the Transvaal . But I must confess that even I myself had not then understood all the implications of the resolutions I had helped to frame; nor had I gauged all the possible conclusions to which they might lead. The old Empire Theatre was packed from floor to ceiling. I could read in every face the expectation of something strange to be done or to happen. Mr. Abdul Gani, Chairman of the Transvaal British Indian Association, presided. He was one of the oldest Indian residents of the Transvaal , and partner and manager of the Johannesburg branch of the well-known firm of Mamad Kasam Kamrudin. The most important among the resolutions passed by the meeting was the famous Fourth Resolution by which the Indians solemnly determined not to submit to the Ordinance in the event of its becoming law in the teeth of their opposition and to suffer all the penalties attaching to such non-submission.
I fully explained this resolution to the meeting and received a patient hearing. The business of the meeting was conducted in Hindi or Gujarati; it was impossible therefore that any one present should not follow the proceedings. For the Tamils and Telugus who did not know Hindi there were Tamil and Telugu speakers who fully explained everything in their respective languages. The resolution was duly proposed, seconded and supported by several speakers one of whom was Sheth Haji Habib. He too was a very old and experienced resident of South Africa and made an impassioned speech. He was deeply moved and went so far as to say that we must pass this resolution with God as witness and must never yield a cowardly submission to such degrading legislation, He then went on solemnly to declare in the name of God that he would never submit to that law, and advised all present to do likewise. Others also delivered powerful and angry speeches in supporting the resolution. When in the course of his speech Sheth Haji Habib came to the solemn declaration, I was at once startled and put on my guard. Only then did I fully realize my own responsibility and the responsibility of the community. The community had passed many a resolution before and amended such resolutions in the light of further reflection or fresh experience. There were cases in which resolutions passed had not been observed by all concerned. Amendments in resolutions and failure to observe resolutions on the part of persons agreeing thereto are ordinary experiences of public life all the world over. But no one ever imports the name of God into such resolutions. In the abstract there should not be any distinction between a resolution and an oath taken in the name of God. When an intelligent man makes a resolution deliberately he never serves from it by a hair's breadth. With him his resolution carries as much weight as a declaration made with God as witness does. But the world takes on note of abstract principles and imagines an ordinary resolution and an oath in the name of God to be poles asunder. A man who makes an ordinary resolution is not ashamed of himself when he deviates from it, but a man who violates an oath administered to him is not only ashamed of himself, but is also looked upon by society as sinner. This imaginary distinction has struck such a deep root in the human mind that a person making a statement on oath before a judge is held to have committed an offence in law it the statement is proved to be false and receives drastic punishment.
Full of these thoughts as I was, possessing as I did much experience of solemn pledges, having profited by them, I was taken aback by Sheth Haji Habib's suggestion of an oath. I thought out the possible consequences of it in a moment. My perplexity gave place to enthusiasm. And although I had no intention of taking an oath or inviting others to do so when I went to the meeting, I warmly approved of the Sheth's suggestion. But at the same time it seemed to me that the people should be told of all the consequences and should have explained to them clearly the meaning of pledge. And if even then they were prepared to pledge themselves, they should be encouraged to do so; otherwise I must understand that they were not still ready to stand the final test. I therefore asked the President for permission to explain to the meeting the implications of Sheth Haji Habib's suggestion. The President readily granted it and I rose to address the meeting. I give bellow a summary of my remarks just as I can recall them now:
"I wish to explain to this meeting that there is a vast difference between this resolution and every other resolution we have passed up to date and that there is a wide divergence also in the manner of making it. It is a very grave resolution we are making, as our existence in South Africa depends upon our fully observing it. The manner of making the resolution suggested by our friend is as much of a novelty as f a solemnity. I did not come to the meeting with a view to getting the resolution passed in that manner, which redounds to the credit of Sheth Haji Habib as well as it lays a burden of responsibility upon him. I tender my congratulations to him. I deeply appreciate his suggestion, but if you adopt it you too will share his responsibility. You must understand what is this responsibility, and as an adviser and servant of the community, it is my duty fully to explain it to you.
"We all believe in one and the same God, the differences of nomenclature in Hinduism and Islam notwithstanding. To pledge ourselves or to take an oath in the name of that God or with him as witness is not something to be trifled with. If having taken such an oath we violate our pledge we are guilty before God and man. Personally I hold that a man, who deliberately and intelligently takes a pledge and then breads it, forfeits his manhood. And just as a copper coin treated with mercury not only becomes valueless when detected but also makes its owner liable to punishment, in the same way a man who lightly pledges his word and then breaks it becomes a man of straw and fits himself for punishment here as well as hereafter. Sheth Haji Habib is proposing to administer an oath of very serious character. There is no one in this meeting who can be classed as an infant or as wanting in understanding. You are all well advanced in age and have seen the world; many of you are delegates and have discharged responsibilities in a greater or lesser measure. No one present, therefore, can ever hope to excuse himself by saying that he did not know what he was about when he took the oath.
"I know that pledges and vows are, and should be, taken on rare occasions. A man who takes a vow every now and then is sure to stumble. But if I can imagine a crisis in the history of the Indian community of South Africa when it would be in the fitness of things to take pledges that crisis is surely now. There is wisdom in taking serious steps with great caution and hesitation. But caution and hesitation have their limits, and we have now passed them. The Government has taken leave of all sense of decency. We would only be betraying our unworthiness and cowardice, if we cannot stake our all in the face of the conflagration which envelopes us and sit watching it with folded hands. There is no doubt, therefore, that the present is a proper occasion for taking pledges. But every one of us must think out for himself if he has the will and the ability to pledge himself. Resolutions of this nature cannot passed by a majority vote. Only those who take a pledge can be bound by it. This pledge must not be taken with a view to produce an effect on outsiders. No one should trouble to consider what impression it might have upon the Local Government, the Imperial Government, or the Government of India. Every one must only search his own heart, and if the inner voice assures him that he has the requisite strength to carry him through, then only should he pledge himself and then only will his pledge bear fruit.
"A few words now as to the consequences. Hoping for the best, we may say that if a majority of the Indians pledge themselves to resistance and if all who take the pledge prove true to themselves, the Ordinance may not be passed and, if passed, may be soon repealed. It may be that we may not be called upon to suffer at all. But if on the hand a man who takes a pledge must be a robust optimist, on the other hand he must be prepared for the worst. Therefore I want to give you an idea of the worst that might happen to us in the present struggle. Imagine that of us present here numbering 3,000 at the most pledge ourselves. Imagine again that the remaining 10,000 Indians take no such pledge. We will only provoke ridicule in the beginning. Again, it is quite possible that in spite of the present warning some or many of those who pledge themselves may weaken at the very first trial. We many have to go to jail, where we many be insulted. We many have to go hungry and suffer extreme heat or cold. Hard labour may be imposed upon us. We may be flogged by rude warders. We may be fined heavily and our property may be attached and held up to auction if there are only a few resisters left. Opulent today we may be reduced to abject poverty tomorrow. We may be deported. Suffering from starvation and similar hardships in jail, some of us may fall ill and even die, In short, therefore, it is not at all impossible that we may have to endure every hardship that we can imagine, and wisdom lies in pledging ourselves on the understanding that we shall have to suffer all that and worse. If some one asks me when and how the struggle may end, I may say that if the entire community manfully stands the test, the end will be near. If many of us fall back under storm and stress, the struggle will be prolonged. But I can boldly declare, and with certainty, that so long as there is even a handful of men true to their pledge, there can only be one end to the struggle, and that is victory.
"A word about my personal responsibility. If I am warning you of the risks attendant upon the pledge, I am at the same time inviting you to pledge yourselves, and I am fully conscious of my responsibility in the matter. It is possible that a majority of those present here many take the pledge in a fit of enthusiasm or indignation but may weaken under the ordeal, and only a handful may be left to face the final test. Even then there is only one course open to some one like me, to die but not to submit to the law. It is quite unlikely but even if every one else flinched leaving me alone to face the music, I am confident that I would never violate my pledge. Please do not misunderstand me. I am not saying this out of vanity, but I wish to put you, especially the leaders upon the platform, on your guard. I wish respectfully to suggest it to you that if you have not the will or the ability to stand firm even when you are perfectly isolated, you must not only not take the pledge yourselves but you must declare your opposition before the resolution is put to the meeting and before its members begin to take pledges and you must not make yourselves parties to the resolution. Although we are going to take the pledge in a body, no one should imagine that default on the part of one or many can absolve the rest from their obligation. Every one should fully realize his responsibility, then only pledge himself independently of others and understand that he himself must be true to his pledge even unto death, no matter what others do."
I spoke to this effect and resumed me seat. The meeting heard me word by word in perfect quiet. Other leaders too spoke. All dwelt upon their own responsibility and the responsibility of the audience. The President rose. He too made the situation clear, and at last all present, standing with upraised hands, took an oath with God as witness not to submit to the Ordinance if it became law. I can never forget the scene, which is present before my mind's eye as I write. The community's enthusiasm knew no bounds. The very next day there was some accident in the theatre in consequence of which it was wholly destroyed by fire. On the third day friends brought me the news of the fire and congratulated the community upon this good omen, which signified to them that the Ordinance would meet the same fate us the theatre. I have never been influenced by such so-called signs and therefore did not attach any weight to the coincidence. I have taken note of it here only as a demonstration of the community's courage and faith. The reader will find in the subsequent chapters many more proofs of these two high qualities of the people.
The workers did not let the grass grow under their feet after this great meeting. Meetings were held everywhere and pledges of resistance were taken in every place. The principal topic of discussion in Indian Opinion now was the Black Ordinance.
At the other end, steps were taken in order to meet the Local Government. A deputation waited upon Mr. Duncan, the Colonial Secretary, and told him among other things about the pledges. Sheth Haji Habib, who was a member of the deputation, said, ‘I cannot possibly restrain myself if any officer comes and proceeds to take my wife's finger prints, I will kill him there and then and die myself.' The Minister stared at the Sheth's face for a while and said, ‘Government is reconsidering the advisability of making the Ordinance applicable to women, and I can assure you at once that the clauses relating to women will be deleted. Government have understood your feeling in the matter and desire to respect it. But as for the other provisions, I am sorry to inform you that Government is and will remain adamant. General Botha wants you to agree to this legislation after due deliberation. Government deem it to be essential to the existence of the Europeans. They will certainly consider any suggestions about details which you may make consistently with the objects of the Ordinance, and my advice to the deputation is that your interest lies in agreeing to the legislation and proposing changes only as regards the details.' I am leaving out here the particulars of the discussion with the Minister, as all those arguments have already been dealt with. The arguments were just the same, there was only a difference in phraseology as they were set forth before the Minister. The deputation withdrew, after informing him that his advice notwithstanding, acquiescence in the proposed legislation was out of the question, and after thanking Government for its intention of exempting women form its provisions, it is difficult to say whether the exemption of women was the first fruit of the community's agitation, or whether the Government as an afterthought made a concession to practical considerations which Mr. Curtis had ruled out of his scientific methods. Government claimed that it had decided to exempt women independently of the Indian agitation. Be that as it might, the community established to their own satisfaction a cause and effect relation between the agitation and the exemption and their fighting spirit rose accordingly.
None of us knew what name to give to our movement. I then used the term ‘passive resistance' in describing it. I did not quite understand the implications of ‘passive resistance' as I called it. I only knew that some new principle had come into being. As the struggle advanced, the phrase ‘passive resistance' gave rise to confusion and it appeared shameful to permit this great struggle to be known only by an English name. Again, that foreign phrase could hardly pass as current coin among the community. A small prize was therefore announced in Indian Opinion t o be awarded to the reader who invented the best designation for our struggle. We thus received a number of suggestions. The meaning of the struggle had been then fully discussed in Indian Opinion and the competitors for the prize had fairly sufficient material to serve as a basis for their exploration. Shri Maganlal Gandhi was one of the competitors and he suggested the word ‘Sadagraha,' meaning. ‘firmness in a good cause.' I liked the work, but it did not fully represent the whole idea I wished it to connote. I therefore corrected it to ‘Satyagraha.' Truth (Satya) implies love, and firmness (agraha) engenders and therefore serves as a synonym for force. I thus began to call the Indian movement ‘Satyagraha,' that is to say, the Force which is born of Truth and Love or non-violence, and gave up the use of the phrase ‘passive resistance,' in connection with it, so much so that even in English writing we often avoided it and used instead the work ‘Satyagraha' itself or some other equivalent English phrase, This then was the genesis of the movement which came to be known as `Satyagraha, and of the word used as a designation for it. Before we proceed any further with our history we shall do well to grasp the differences between passive resistance and Satyagraha, Which is the subject of our next chapter.
Gandhi, M. K., Satyagraha in South Africa, Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, India Seventh Reprint, April 2003, pp. 95-102.
Read more!!
Monday, September 10, 2007
DRANT #254: DAISY CHAIN OF DEATH
“That really pisses me off down there, Those assholes,” a sharp-eared Wall
Street Journal reporter overheard Skelton say to the committee’s ranking
Republican member Duncan Hunter of California. A staffer came to the rescue
later, shutting off Skelton's microphone.
IT'S TIME.
Its time for you and me and everyone we know to get up off our asses and SHOW UP.
Show up tomorrow at the shadow play at The Cannon Caucus Room.
Show up this weekend, SATURDAY the 15th in DC, or WHEREVER.
Show up next week, in DC or WHEREVER.
Reverend Yearwood waited patiently on line to witness his EMPLOYEES- namely the members of Congress and An Army General-
put on a murderous charade.
But if he wanted to watch it, that was up to him.
He is one of us We The Peoples ya know ? Us assholes.
They wouldn't let him in.
WHY was he not allowed in ?
It was a public hearing. Ya know, us assholes.
WHY was he arrested ?
He committed no crime.
WHY was he thrown to the ground by a posse of cops ?
The cops say he jumped the line, and resisted arrest.
Uh oh.
There's a complete and unedited video of the bust.
Just like NY in the summer of 2004, the EVIDENCE is irrefutable.
Yearwood did nothing.
The cops attacked him.
And- there's other irrefutable video evidence- hours of it-
showing General Pet and The Congressional Co Conspirators in their daisy chain of death.
So watcha gonna do ?
One thing you are NOT gonna do-
And that's tell me you didn't know.
YOU KNOW.
Capitol Hill Police "football tackled" Activist who was in line to enter hearing room for General Petreaus' testimony on Capitol Hill
Rev. Lennox Yearwood, Jr., president of the Hip Hop Caucus, was attacked by six capitol police today, when he was stopped from entering the Cannon Caucus Room on Capitol Hill, where General Petreaus gave testimony today to a joint hearing for the House Arms Services Committee and Foreign Relations Committee on the war in Iraq.
Watch the complete VIDEO HERE:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qiradcejA6o
After waiting in line throughout the morning for the hearing that was scheduled to start at 12:30pm, Rev. Yearwood was stopped from entering the room, while others behind him were allowed to enter. He told the officers blocking his ability to enter the room, that he was waiting in line with everyone else and had the right to enter as well. When they threatened him with arrest he responded with "I will not be arrested today." According to witnesses, six capitol police, without warning, "football tackled" him. He was carried off in a wheel chair by DC Fire and Emergency to George Washington Hospital.
Rev. Yearwood said as he was being released from the hospital to be taken to central booking, "The officers decided I was not going to get in Gen. Petreaus' hearing when they saw my button, which says 'I LOVE THE PEOPLE OF IRAQ.'"
Capitol Police are not saying what the charges are, but an inside source has said that the charge is assaulting a police officer. Rev. Yearwood is scheduled to be transferred to Central Processing to be arraigned tomorrow morning.
The incident was recorded by an observer and is available on YouTube WhyNotNews http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qiradcejA6o.
For further information contact: Liz Havstad at liz@hiphopcaucus.org or 510 206 6749.
###
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Hey alla ya !
Congratulations !
Never been prouder to know such a bunch of "assholes"
at least that's what they called ya !
At last, some recognition !!!!
"...the video is gripping. the deadpan of petraeus, the dragging of dissenting
voices out of the room. another little moment of american history, captured
live." (Ned Sublette)
Watch on the Big Screen !
http://rawstory.com//news/2007/War_criminal_cries_get_protesters_quickly_0910.html
'War criminal' cries get protesters quickly removed from hearing
09/10/2007 @ 12:48 pm
Filed by Nick Juliano
As soon as Rep. Ike Skelton gaveled a joint Congressional hearing to order
this morning, protesters could be heard yelling "war criminal" at Army Gen.
David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker, who were about to testify about
conditions in Iraq.
At least one woman could be heard shouting briefly, before Skelton (D-MO)
ordered anyone who disrupted the proceedings to be removed from the hearing
room.
"Out they go," Skelton said. He paused a few seconds, then asked no one in
particular, "Are they gone?"
At least a half-dozen protesters were arrested during the course of Monday's
hearing, and their presence visibly iritated Skelton.
“That really pisses me off down there, Those assholes,” a sharp-eared Wall
Street Journal reporter overheard Skelton say to the committee’s ranking
Republican member Duncan Hunter of California. A staffer came to the rescue
later, shutting off Skelton's microphone.
Members of the anti-war group Code Pink have been a near constant presence
at hearings on the Iraq war, and several members have been removed from
hearings and arrested for other Capitol Hill protests.
It was not clear who was removed Monday, nor whether they were arrested or
will face criminal charges.
Petraeus and Crocker are making their first appearance on the Hill Monday to
assess the results of President Bush's troop surge, which began earlier this
year.
Later in the hearing more protesters were removed, including one who
appeared to be Adam Kokesh, an Iraq veteran who has become a leading figure
in the anti-war movement. Several more Code Pink members and other anti-war
activists remained in the hearing room, and some members worried about
further disruptions.
As Petraeus was delivering his testimony, another protester began shouting,
"That's a lie," as Petraeus accused Iran of supporting insurgents in Iraq.
"Would the entire group that's back there supporting that person be
removed," Skelton requested.
The video is from MSNBC's News Live, broadcast on September 10.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
PLUS THIS-- The great Ray M !
'Swear Him In'
By Ray McGovern
If Petraeus is so honest and full of integrity, what possible objection could he have to being sworn in? - Should generals be immune? Or did Petraeus' masters wish to give him a little more assurance that he could play fast and loose with the truth without the consequences encountered by Scooter Libby?
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article18355.htm
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Quote of The Day:
"...The trouble with Eichmann was precisely that so many were like him,
and that the many were neither perverted nor sadistic, that they were, and
still are, terribly and terrifyingly normal. From the viewpoint of our
legal institutions and of our moral standards of judgment, this normality
was much more terrifying than all the atrocities put together..."
Hannah Arendt
--------------------------------
Read more!!
Street Journal reporter overheard Skelton say to the committee’s ranking
Republican member Duncan Hunter of California. A staffer came to the rescue
later, shutting off Skelton's microphone.
IT'S TIME.
Its time for you and me and everyone we know to get up off our asses and SHOW UP.
Show up tomorrow at the shadow play at The Cannon Caucus Room.
Show up this weekend, SATURDAY the 15th in DC, or WHEREVER.
Show up next week, in DC or WHEREVER.
Reverend Yearwood waited patiently on line to witness his EMPLOYEES- namely the members of Congress and An Army General-
put on a murderous charade.
But if he wanted to watch it, that was up to him.
He is one of us We The Peoples ya know ? Us assholes.
They wouldn't let him in.
WHY was he not allowed in ?
It was a public hearing. Ya know, us assholes.
WHY was he arrested ?
He committed no crime.
WHY was he thrown to the ground by a posse of cops ?
The cops say he jumped the line, and resisted arrest.
Uh oh.
There's a complete and unedited video of the bust.
Just like NY in the summer of 2004, the EVIDENCE is irrefutable.
Yearwood did nothing.
The cops attacked him.
And- there's other irrefutable video evidence- hours of it-
showing General Pet and The Congressional Co Conspirators in their daisy chain of death.
So watcha gonna do ?
One thing you are NOT gonna do-
And that's tell me you didn't know.
YOU KNOW.
Capitol Hill Police "football tackled" Activist who was in line to enter hearing room for General Petreaus' testimony on Capitol Hill
Rev. Lennox Yearwood, Jr., president of the Hip Hop Caucus, was attacked by six capitol police today, when he was stopped from entering the Cannon Caucus Room on Capitol Hill, where General Petreaus gave testimony today to a joint hearing for the House Arms Services Committee and Foreign Relations Committee on the war in Iraq.
Watch the complete VIDEO HERE:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qiradcejA6o
After waiting in line throughout the morning for the hearing that was scheduled to start at 12:30pm, Rev. Yearwood was stopped from entering the room, while others behind him were allowed to enter. He told the officers blocking his ability to enter the room, that he was waiting in line with everyone else and had the right to enter as well. When they threatened him with arrest he responded with "I will not be arrested today." According to witnesses, six capitol police, without warning, "football tackled" him. He was carried off in a wheel chair by DC Fire and Emergency to George Washington Hospital.
Rev. Yearwood said as he was being released from the hospital to be taken to central booking, "The officers decided I was not going to get in Gen. Petreaus' hearing when they saw my button, which says 'I LOVE THE PEOPLE OF IRAQ.'"
Capitol Police are not saying what the charges are, but an inside source has said that the charge is assaulting a police officer. Rev. Yearwood is scheduled to be transferred to Central Processing to be arraigned tomorrow morning.
The incident was recorded by an observer and is available on YouTube WhyNotNews http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qiradcejA6o.
For further information contact: Liz Havstad at liz@hiphopcaucus.org or 510 206 6749.
###
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Hey alla ya !
Congratulations !
Never been prouder to know such a bunch of "assholes"
at least that's what they called ya !
At last, some recognition !!!!
"...the video is gripping. the deadpan of petraeus, the dragging of dissenting
voices out of the room. another little moment of american history, captured
live." (Ned Sublette)
Watch on the Big Screen !
http://rawstory.com//news/2007/War_criminal_cries_get_protesters_quickly_0910.html
'War criminal' cries get protesters quickly removed from hearing
09/10/2007 @ 12:48 pm
Filed by Nick Juliano
As soon as Rep. Ike Skelton gaveled a joint Congressional hearing to order
this morning, protesters could be heard yelling "war criminal" at Army Gen.
David Petraeus and Ambassador Ryan Crocker, who were about to testify about
conditions in Iraq.
At least one woman could be heard shouting briefly, before Skelton (D-MO)
ordered anyone who disrupted the proceedings to be removed from the hearing
room.
"Out they go," Skelton said. He paused a few seconds, then asked no one in
particular, "Are they gone?"
At least a half-dozen protesters were arrested during the course of Monday's
hearing, and their presence visibly iritated Skelton.
“That really pisses me off down there, Those assholes,” a sharp-eared Wall
Street Journal reporter overheard Skelton say to the committee’s ranking
Republican member Duncan Hunter of California. A staffer came to the rescue
later, shutting off Skelton's microphone.
Members of the anti-war group Code Pink have been a near constant presence
at hearings on the Iraq war, and several members have been removed from
hearings and arrested for other Capitol Hill protests.
It was not clear who was removed Monday, nor whether they were arrested or
will face criminal charges.
Petraeus and Crocker are making their first appearance on the Hill Monday to
assess the results of President Bush's troop surge, which began earlier this
year.
Later in the hearing more protesters were removed, including one who
appeared to be Adam Kokesh, an Iraq veteran who has become a leading figure
in the anti-war movement. Several more Code Pink members and other anti-war
activists remained in the hearing room, and some members worried about
further disruptions.
As Petraeus was delivering his testimony, another protester began shouting,
"That's a lie," as Petraeus accused Iran of supporting insurgents in Iraq.
"Would the entire group that's back there supporting that person be
removed," Skelton requested.
The video is from MSNBC's News Live, broadcast on September 10.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
PLUS THIS-- The great Ray M !
'Swear Him In'
By Ray McGovern
If Petraeus is so honest and full of integrity, what possible objection could he have to being sworn in? - Should generals be immune? Or did Petraeus' masters wish to give him a little more assurance that he could play fast and loose with the truth without the consequences encountered by Scooter Libby?
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article18355.htm
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Quote of The Day:
"...The trouble with Eichmann was precisely that so many were like him,
and that the many were neither perverted nor sadistic, that they were, and
still are, terribly and terrifyingly normal. From the viewpoint of our
legal institutions and of our moral standards of judgment, this normality
was much more terrifying than all the atrocities put together..."
Hannah Arendt
--------------------------------
Read more!!
Thursday, September 6, 2007
DRANT #253: SARAH MAHMOUD AND YEHYA
Diaries: Live from Palestine
Sarah, Mahmoud and Yehya
Yassmin Moor, The Electronic Intifada, Sep 5, 2007
Sarah Abu Ghazal's school uniform still lay on her mattress, untouched as she had left it before running out after her cousins Mahmoud and Yehya Abu Ghazal on Wednesday, 29 August. She was to begin the fourth grade on 2 September, but her friend Amani, who has accompanied her to school since the first grade, would walk alone this year. Sarah's mother had bought her the blue school uniform, blue jeans and the black shoes just the day before she was killed by Israel tank fire. Her mother waited until the last minute to buy Sarah's school supplies because she was waiting for her husband's salary which he had not received since June. Still full of life, Sarah was readying her new clothes for the start of the school year when Yehya called for her to come out and play.
Ten-year-old Mahmoud looked up to Yehya and followed him wherever he went, as he did not have any brothers of his own. On the day he died he had just finished telling his mother not to buy him anything for school until Yehya had acquired his things. He made her promise only to buy the same things that Yehya had. Mahmoud was killed alongside Yehya and now lies buried right beside him.
One of nine children, Yehya was heading to the sixth grade this year after spending most of his summer herding his family's goats. From a small Bedouin community at the northern border of the Gaza Strip, by Beit Hanoun and the Erez border crossing, Yehya's family always bore the brunt of Israel's frequent incursions into and attacks on Gaza. The army rolls in almost every week and usually razes some land, arrests a few men and pulls out again. Yehya's father was arrested in September 2006 and has yet to be tried or charged as he sits in an Israeli prison. After Israel's unilateral withdrawal from Gaza in 2005, the strip was ostensibly free, yet Israeli tanks rolled into Gaza at 3am, raided the family's house and arrested Yehya's father and uncle.
According to his mother, Yehya was walking his goats close to their house on that Wednesday afternoon when he lost sight of his herd. He spotted them sniffing around abandoned rocket launchers, so he went to retrieve them. Yehya followed the goats, trailed by Mahmoud and Sarah. Unseen soldiers in Israeli tanks identified them as "militants" and shot at them. The boys immediately died of their shrapnel wounds. Sarah passed away later that evening, alone in the hospital. Her family did not make it in time to see her because her body was taken to the hospital Beit Lahiya.
The Israeli army stated it had "identified and fired at several rocket launchers aimed at Israel." According to the Abu Ghazal family, rockets had not been fired from that area for the past nine months and the Israeli army knew this. However, the tanks were close enough for the soldiers manning them to see the children and they could have also relied on their large white reconnaissance balloon that constantly hovers over Beit Hanoun.
Trying to find a driver to go to the children's funeral in northern Beit Hanoun, on the second of the three days of mourning, was nearly impossible as it was like asking them to drive into crossfire. Beit Hanoun feels different from the rest of Gaza. The streets are empty, there is rubble everywhere, uprooted trees, razed land and there isn't much of a market. An area that used to be green agricultural land has been turned into an empty no man's land where no one dares to go. If there is a place in Gaza that feels like a war zone devastated by years of conflict, it's Beit Hanoun. The infamous Qassams can be seen and heard as they fly over the Gazan border and into Israel in retaliation to Israeli F-16 and tank shelling. Also overhead is the reconnaissance balloon that constantly tracks one's movement. The F-16s fly over the town more frequently than any other place in Gaza; no wonder drivers or anyone else don't want to go anywhere near Beit Hanoun.
The Bedouin community that the children came from is situated amongst the northern Gaza Strip's razed citrus groves and demolished buildings. Yehya and Mahmoud's fathers are brothers so they lived in the same three-bedroom house. The bedrooms are covered with asbestos, the living room is comprised of a sand floor in front of the bedrooms and the kitchen consists of a small stove and a table with a few pots. They have no electricity and no running water. The fruit of the villagers' daily labor on their lands used to provide for their subsistence but weekly Israeli invasions have destroyed their lands and therefore their livelihoods. They receive some aid from the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, but have to travel to Beit Hanoun or Beit Lahiya for everything else. Their means of transportation are animal-drawn carts.
The mothers of all three children sat next to each other at their funeral while Israeli tanks at the border also sat stationed in the background. Yehya and Mahmoud's mothers were each holding a picture of their sons, while Sara's mother was holding a poster with Yehya and Mahmoud's pictures with their names written below. In between their pictures was an image of a bouquet of red roses, with Sarah's name underneath. "Israel just wants to shed our blood," said Yehya's mother, choking on her words. "They didn't do anything wrong ... they had no rockets, no tanks ... they were just playing," added Mahmoud's mother. They were all sitting on the mattress Yehya shared with Mahmoud. Mahmoud would sneak out of his mother's bedroom at night to go and sleep by Yehya. "They were meant to go together," said Yehya's mother, "Mahmoud would not have lived without Yehya. May God rest their souls together."
The next day, on the BBC the Israeli military stated that the killing of Yehya, Mahmoud and Sarah was an accident: "at the very last second, it was apparent that they were children, but it was impossible to stop the explosion." There was no mention of holding accountable the soldiers who killed them or at the very least any offer of support to the families and the community. They cannot leave their area, or their land, as they have nowhere else to go. Where's the justice for 12-year-old Yehya and his childhood, or 10-year-old Mahmoud who wanted nothing more than to have the same things as his friend, or 10-year-old Sarah who never got to wear her new school clothes?
Yassmin Moor is a Palestinian-American writing from Rafah, Gaza. She is currently working to implement a gardening project through an organization she co-founded, Save Gaza. Yassmin can be reached at yasminemoor A T gmail D O T com.
Read more!!
Tuesday, September 4, 2007
DRANT #252: OLBERMANN: THE NEXT 500 DAYS
SPECIAL COMMENT BY KEITH OLBERMANN
Tuesday night Sept 4
Excerpt below. For complete video please access:
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/20593445/
"...Just over 500 days remain in this presidency. Consider the dead who have piled up on the battlefield in these last 500 days.
Consider the singular fraudulence of this president's trip to Iraq yesterday, and the singular fraudulence of the selling of the Petraeus Report in these last 500 days.
Consider how this president has torn away at the fabric of this nation in a manner of which terrorists can only dream in these last 500 days.
And consider again how this president has spoken to that biographer: that he is “playing for October-November."
The goal in Iraq is “to get us in a position where the presidential candidates will be comfortable about sustaining a presence." Consider how this revelation contradicts every other rationale he has offered in these last 500 days.
In the context of all that now, consider these next 500 days.
Mr. Bush, our presence in Iraq must end. Even if it means your resignation. Even if it means your impeachment. Even if it means a different Republican to serve out your term. Even if it means a Democratic Congress and those true patriots among the Republicans standing up and denying you another penny for Iraq, other than for the safety and the safe conduct home of our troops.
This country cannot run the risk of what you can still do to this country in the next 500 days.
Read more!!
Tuesday night Sept 4
Excerpt below. For complete video please access:
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/20593445/
"...Just over 500 days remain in this presidency. Consider the dead who have piled up on the battlefield in these last 500 days.
Consider the singular fraudulence of this president's trip to Iraq yesterday, and the singular fraudulence of the selling of the Petraeus Report in these last 500 days.
Consider how this president has torn away at the fabric of this nation in a manner of which terrorists can only dream in these last 500 days.
And consider again how this president has spoken to that biographer: that he is “playing for October-November."
The goal in Iraq is “to get us in a position where the presidential candidates will be comfortable about sustaining a presence." Consider how this revelation contradicts every other rationale he has offered in these last 500 days.
In the context of all that now, consider these next 500 days.
Mr. Bush, our presence in Iraq must end. Even if it means your resignation. Even if it means your impeachment. Even if it means a different Republican to serve out your term. Even if it means a Democratic Congress and those true patriots among the Republicans standing up and denying you another penny for Iraq, other than for the safety and the safe conduct home of our troops.
This country cannot run the risk of what you can still do to this country in the next 500 days.
Read more!!
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